Sunday, September 14, 2025

vení pacá

 "Vení" es la forma de imperativo de la persona "vos" para la forma "venir". La raíz es completamente regular lo que contrasta con el imperativo de tuteo "ven" o con otras formas verbales de la misma entrada léxica altamente irregulares como "ven", "viene", "vengo", "vine" o "viniera". La razón por la que es regular es dónde cae el acento. En "ven" "viene" y "vengo" el acento está en la primera sílaba, y esto resultó afectado históricamente debido a que eran las vocales largas del latín. En imperativo de voseo, como dice el villancico "venite adoremus dominum", era a la vez una forma de plural, y en canción significaría "vengan, vamos a adorar al señor". En latín tardío una manera altamente formal de dirigirse a una figura de poder.

"Venite" evolucionó al sonido "venide" luego "veníe" y finalmente "vení", pero otro camino de su evolución fue "venide", y entonces "venid", que fue en español medieval tanto una forma de "vos" y la manera de expresar el plural informal "vosotros". Se dice que "venid" y "vení" se quedaron bastante tiempo como alternativas de "vos", pero "vení" fue perdiendo fuerza como alternativa de "vosotros", aunque en mi documentación tengo algunos casos de "vení" plural.

La entrada "venir" implica un desplazamiento físico hacia el hablante, es decir, la persona que emite el verbo "venir". Por eso la expresión "vení" indica una orden o comando de desplazamiento hacia la persona que dice "vení". Esta fuerte relación con el hablante se denomina un componente "deíctico" (de dedo, por tanto que señala a alguien). 

La palabra "acá" tiene el mismo contenido deíctico. Se refiere precisamente al lugar donde se encuentra el hablante. Resulta un poco redundante "vení para acá" por cuanto dos palabras reiteran el hablante como lugar hacia donde se espera el desplazamiento, o sea que es como decir "entrar para adentro" o más corto "entrar paentro". Sin embargo, una orden categórica puede ser redundante debido a que el hablante se posiciona como sujeto de poder: yo puedo ser redundante si quiero y nadie me va a corregir. A la vez, la reiteración indica una mayor urgencia en el comando que se emite.

Por su parte, la expresión "pacá" es el acortamiento de dos palabras "para" y "acá", que pasan por un proceso fonológico o de cambio de sonido parecido al que explicamos en otra entrada con "careteta". Y así las cosas:

1. para acá (forma ideal) 

2. paracá (fusión de aes)

3. paracá (debilitamiento de r)

4. paacá (desaparición de r)

5. pacá (fusión de aes, y forma final)

"Vení pacá" es una forma muy común en caleñol o español colombiano de Cali (ver entrada de "caleñol" aquí y digo "aquí" no "acá" porque yo no estoy allí, sino que estoy señalando un punto específico). Existe una serie de literatura infantil donde la personaje central, denominada "abuela terrible", siempre dice la expresión "vení pacá" cuando va a transformarse de abuela normal a abuela terrible.

Vea aquí.

Referencias:

Brown, R., & Gilman, A. (1960). The Pronouns of Power and Solidarity. En T. A. Sebeok (Ed.), Style in Language (pp. 253–276). MIT Press.

Díaz Collazos, A. María. (2015). Desarrollo sociolingüístico del voseo en la región andina de Colombia (1555-1976) [Beihefte zur Zeitschrift für romanische Philologie; 392]. Berlin / Boston: De Gruyter. De Gruyter Brill+2UGent Library+2

Malkiel, Y. (1948). Studies in Philology, Literature, and Linguistics. University of California Press.

Penny, R. (2002). A History of the Spanish Language (2ª ed.). Cambridge University Press.

Penny, R. (2000). Variation and Change in Spanish. Cambridge University Press.

Rini, J. L. (1999). Explaining Language Change: An Evolutionary Approach. John Benjamins.

abuela terrible / terrible grandma

The series “Abuela terrible” collects family stories based on real anecdotes, written in colloquial Colombian Spanish but translated into English for bilingual children and for use in bilingual schools. It is a resource designed for read-aloud sessions, with colorful drawings that add content to the main text. It evolves from a very simple story titled “Abuela terrible versus ratón,” which integrates Spanglish into a single inseparable system, to “Abuela terrible versus camión,” which separates the languages in an interaction integrated with the illustrations. The last two books in the series are “Abuela terrible versus terremoto,” which introduces more strategies so that Spanish-speaking or English-speaking readers can sound out the letters even if they don’t know the language. The illustrations were carefully created by Sabina VV, the pseudonym of the eight-year-old girl who invented the story together with her mother.

The idea was born one summer when my daughter kept asking me for stories about my family. Many of them she would ask for again and again, and each time I added a new detail that made her laugh even more. We were already using the nickname “abuela peligrosa” to make fun of my mom, from an anecdote similar to what happens in “Abuela terrible versus camión.” But the name “Grandma Dangerous” was already taken, so we changed it to “Abuela terrible.” When I told her that I had some stories ready to publish, she said she wanted to illustrate them. In the end, we decided not to start with those draft stories (which were being reviewed by a publisher—though they ended up rejecting them anyway), but rather with the family stories, and the recurring character of the “abuela terrible” had potential to create new tales.

We were going through a family tragedy—the loss of my job. She wanted to help support the family financially, so we explored the possibility of earning some money by putting the books on Amazxn. We would climb onto the trampoline to sketch drafts of the drawings, and she would jump every time she got a new idea. I learned a lot from a child’s perspective in storytelling, because she corrected me whenever my ideas sounded too grown-up or too hard for children to understand. I also learned much more about the feedback loop between drawing and text, where strong collaboration between writer and illustrator amplifies the meaning you want to convey.

My daughter was born here in the United States and is fluently bilingual in Colombian Spanish and North American Western English. In that special connection, I felt inspired to capture the oral language that emerged naturally in our interactions, to give readers tools to make it sound in their own reading, and not to censor content out of fear of criticism. This is deeply emotional content for me as the author, because the perspective of its reception forces me to face the need to protect my daughter from the cruelty of the world. It is far from ideal to start a project in the midst of the insecurities that come with losing a job, but once the idea was planted there was no turning back—only finding ways to cope with the emotions that came along the way.

The most excited about the project, of course, was my mom, the main source of the stories, and she has been an important support throughout this process. Thanks to this, Sabina gave me the idea of creating the story where Abuela terrible becomes a superhero to support the adult daughter going through a hard time, and later on—just like in Don Quixote—to write the story where Abuela terrible reads the book of Abuela terrible.

The stories are endless, but the interaction with the illustrations is very meticulous work, where legal compliance details also come into play, and each illustrated 50-page book ends up taking much longer to produce than a 150-page novel.

Readers in the United States and Europe can find the books on Amazxn, and in Colombia, they can contact my mom.






Wednesday, August 27, 2025

Caribonito

En otra entrada mostramos la evolución fonológica de "cara de teta" a "careteta", que pasa por un debilitamiento de la "d" en "d" y una fusión vocálica, y sirve para comparar o menospreciar la cara de una persona. Por su parte, la forma "caribonito" tiene una "i" en medio, no una "e". Vamos a repasar las vocales de enlace que se forman acá, para apreciar cuáles son posibles, cuáles no, y por qué:
  • careteta ✅
  • cariteta❌
  • carebonito❓
  • caribonito✅
La diferencia entre "careteta" y "caribonito" es que "careteta" es el acortamiento de tres palabras, mientras que "caribonito" no es un acortamiento, sino una fusión sintética de dos palabras: "cara" y "bonito". Simplemente esta fusionando como una palabra compuesta la parte del cuerpo y el adjetivo, cara + bonito. La vocal "i" es lo que se conoce como una "vocal de enlace". Sirve para integrar el adjetivo al sustantivo, y se pone al final del sustantivo, eliminando la vocal final. Ejemplos:
  • piernipeluda
  • pelinegro
  • ojiazul
  • manilargo
  • isucia
  • cejijunto
La elección de "i" se debe a una operación de descarte probablemente. Se busca una vocal que no esté tomada morfológicamente para dar un significado: la "a" es el femenino, la "o" es el masculino, y la "e" es el género no marcado, entonces quedan la "i" y la "u", y se hace uso de la "i". Además, la vocal de enlace sirve para presentar una mayor integración e identificación del sujeto con la parte del cuerpo que se designa.

  • cara sucia = alguien que tiene la cara un poco sucia, pero no tan sucia, así que deja la sensación de que esa pequeña suciedad es hasta tierna, mientras que en "carisucio" la suciedad tiene mayor vocación de permanencia.
  • pecho bello = alguien que tiene el pecho bonito, pero no tan bonito como caracterizarlo definitivamente, lo que da el sentido sarcástico.
  • manos largas = la largura se refiere a una cualidad física de la mano, mientras que "manilargo" tiene el sentido metafórico de alguien que tiene la manía de robar.
Nótese que cuando se dice "cara sucia", "pecho bello" y "manos largas", además, el adjetivo concuerda con el género y número de la parte del cuerpo, no con el género de la persona que lo posee. Por ejemplo, "cara sucia" puede ser un hombre o una mujer, pero "carisucia" es una mujer y "carisucio" es un hombre. "Manos largas" puede ser un hombre o una mujer, pero "manilargo" es un hombre y "manilarga" es una mujer. Esto es otro indicio del mayor nivel de integración en tanto que designa la identidad del sujeto.

En términos de lingüística funcional, la mayor integración es el resultado de un proceso de "lexicalización". Es decir, "manilargo" está más lexicalizado que "manos largas". Los procesos de lexicalización muchas veces son arbitrarios respecto a las palabras que permiten entrar en determinado proceso, y por eso "pechibello" puede sonar raro simplemente porque no existe frecuencia de uso. La integración ocurre en palabras de dos sílabas tanto en sustantivo como adjetivo, por esa razón "barriguiredondo" (=de barriga redonda) puede no ser posible.

Friday, August 1, 2025

Care teta

La expresión "care" es el resultado de una amplia cadena de cambios fonológicos, y se usa en español colombiano para expresar múltiples insultos y comparaciones insultantes. La palabra viene del sustantivo "cara" y la preposición "de". Como la "d" queda entre vocales en la cadena hablada, esta se debilita muchísimo y, en lenguaje fluido, termina siendo "cara'e". Posteriormente se funcionan las vocales y queda "care"=cara de.

El proceso es el siguiente:

cara de teta (=su cara tiene un parecido al pecho femenino por lo blancuzco y redondeado, con una nariz un poco chupada que se parece al pezón, pero en realidad sí me gustan los pechos de las mujeres, entonces bueno, tal vez estoy queriendo decir todo lo contrario).

  1. cara de teta (pronunciación idealizada) /káradetéta/
  2. cara de teta (d muy débil) [káraɗetéta]
  3. cara de teta (d casi desaparecida) [káraɗetéta]
  4. cara'e teta (d reemplazada por una ligera oclusión glotal) [kára'etéta]
  5. carae teta (d completamente desaparecida) [káraetéta]
  6. caree teta (a asume paluatinamente la cualidad de la "e") [káreetéta]
  7. care teta (resultado final) [káretéta]

La palabra "teta" se puede sustituir por otras comparaciones odiosas:

  • care culo = cuando alguien tiene el ceño fruncido o tiene una expresión facial de estar muy enojado.
  • care barbie = cuando un hombre es muy caribonito y su cara parece la de una mujer.
  • care ... = ayúdeme a agregar algo más, el diccionario careteta

También careteta es una expresión fonosimbólica que parodia el título de la serie "el pequeño karateca" =the little karate doer, en inglés "Side kids".

Referencia bibliográfica:

Quilis, A. (1993). Tratado de fonología y fonética españolas. Madrid: Gredos.

Tartikoff, B. (Productor ejecutivo). (1986–1987). Sidekicks [Serie de televisión]. American Broadcasting Company (ABC).

Friday, July 25, 2025

Speaking with kindness in Navajo / Spanish / English

See video here: 

Speaking with kindness in Navajo / Spanish / English

Te digo muchas gracias

Axhéhee ntságo ndishní

Y te digo por favor

T’aa shǫǫdí ndishní

También te digo hola

Yá’át’ééh nidishní

Y también te digo adiós

Haagóónee' nidishní

Si hago algo malo,

If I do something evil

Digo por favor perdón / Mañana será mejor (no hay "perdón" en Navajo)

Yizką́ągo nizhóní OR yizką́go nzhoní doolééł

Si esto está difícil

Díí ayóo hałtan

Yo te digo yo no sé

Doo bee hozhin da ni

Si digo no entiendo

Díí ayóo hałtan

Sihasin yéego ní

Te digo vamos! Tú puedes!

#RezPanich 

Sunday, June 15, 2025

Sa’ah Naagháí Bik’eh Hózhóón in education

In the Diné (Navajo) worldview, learning is a lifelong journey guided by the principles of Sa’ah Naagháí Bik’eh Hózhǫ́ón—often translated as “the long life in beauty,” has a multilayered meaning: sa’ah = old, naaghá = he/she is going along in a direction, +í=the one who, bikeh=towards, hózhǫ́ǫ́n=beauty, peace, balance, harmony, happiness. Putting this altogether, it refers to an original purpose that moves life.

Read more about this here.

Download this article here.

It has been called the Corn Pollen model (Secatero, 2022, and Fowler, 2022), the Navajo life cycle (Benally 1994), an educational philosophy (Diné college), and Navajo teachings (Yazzie, 2007). It is a four-quadrant model that mirrors the four seasons (winter, spring, summer, fall), the four cardinal directions (east, south, west, north), the four stages of life (baby, child, adult, elder), four worlds of creation, and the four sacred mountains: Sis Naajiní, Tsoodził, Dook’o’oosłííd, Dibe Nitsaa.

The model provides an organizational structure to everyday life. You can do anything with it. For example, you can wash dishes with this model, which makes a daunting task more manageable. 1) Nitsáhákees: Look at the dishes and decide an arrangement that makes them fit in the dishwasher. 2) Nahat’á: Decide series of brief steps to support the arrangement. 3) Iiná: Wash the dishes. 4) Sihasin: Hear the melody of the dishwasher, and enjoy for at least three seconds the pleasure of a clean kitchen.

I started applying this model in my own lesson planning of Spanish classes. That way, student received predictable structure and a fixed set of steps that was more efficiently conducing to learning Spanish.

Teaching language through beauty

Nitsáhákees: Thinking

Students are required to respond to my greeting in a choir and individually greet their peers. They repeat in a choir sets of numbers, syllable layouts, and key vocabulary. Students listen to my lecture on grammar, and they are required to perform physical note-taking. I provide notebooks to students who don’t have them. Thinking also can happen in the form of active discussion of those who feel the need to talk, but the choice of silence is respected.

Nahat’á: Planning

Students receive a handout which they must fill out with certain drills, conjugations, or sample sentences. This will let them plan for the active conversation stage of the class, and feel comfortable speaking. They look up for specific words on their phones, or ask for help from their partners. Students glue their handouts on large paper sheets that they keep in the classroom.

Break

Serves as an axis mundi that links the two stages, and divides the class in perfectly two divided twins. Students can text or see their phones in this moment, as usage of phones is not permitted during other stages of the class.

Iiná: Living

Students move the chairs and tables out of the space and perform a conversation cycle using their handout. I use the “circle-in, circle-out” method for speaking practice, which is similar to speed dating but in circle. This reduces the anxiety of finding a speaking partner on their own, and allows for practice with multiple speakers. This also mirrors the movement of the insect people from east to south in a cyclic manner.

In this stage, it is easier to perform culturally-immersive activities such as singing, dancing, eating, cooking, crafting, or going outside the classroom.

Sihasin: Assuring

I celebrate the class’s achievement: “You held a full conversation in Spanish and danced to a Colombian cumbia.” I perform brief reminders on homework. I ask students for help in cleaning up, and approach to students who need an extra reminder one-to-one. This is the most efficient moment to negotiate redos, extensions, and make-ups. When students request an extension, redo, or make-up, I usually compliment their commitment to improvement and recognize they are trying their best they can. I recognize that life is hard and they are being strong are trying their best. And in the final account, a midterm and final exam reassures students that they are really learning.

Hispanic connection

Such ceremonial structure may be similar to certain rituals of socialization and celebration. A social encounter includes 1) greeting, 2) talking and finalize preparations together, 3) eating and drinking, 4) dancing, 5) saying good bye. Greetings and farewells are long spaces of transition where certain care is taken to send messages of mutual happiness with each other’s presence. Early arrivers help the host family finalize the preparation to the party: they inflate balloons, set up tables, decorate, and prepare food together. It is very unpleasant that someone departs right after eating, but at the same time the host delays eating in order to delay the meeting as much as possible. Some Hispanic cultures may also add a ritual of social dancing even among close relatives.

In order to match both cultural models, the class provides such paralels:

 

Navajo

Hispanic party

Spanish class

Nitsáhákees

Lecture and note-taking

The long greeting

Greeting protocol, repetition drills

Nahat’á

Individual exercises

Inflating balloons, food preparing

Individually prepare the conversation

Iiná

Active social practice

Food eating, social dancing

Conversation, music, dancing, crafts

Sihasin

Feedback

Promises never fulfilled, greetings to absentees, cheerings

Feedback, announcements, reminders, cheerings, exams


Applications into other subject areas

The model can be applied to teaching of any subject as it implies the following steps: 1) lecture and note-taking, 2) silent practice, 3) group practice, coming to the board, lab, field trip, and 4) feedback, exit ticket, circle reflection, lab report. The instructor doesn’t need to be an expert in indigenous matters in order to apply this model: just avoid flipped classrooms, value silence and silent struggle, and perform a classic act of lecture as the authority figure you are.

While I’m not an expert in math, I can provide some example of how each step can help you ritualize the classroom this way:

Nitsáhákees:

Provide a brief review of the topic you covered last class, and provide general feedback on common mistakes students made on a quiz. Then use the board to introduce the new topic and enforce note-taking on a notebook. As you speak, walk around the classroom and overlook note-taking among students. Address as a group a general error you notice on note-taking. Keep mental mind of students doing the wrong note-taking to address in the next step.

Nahat’á:

Provide students exercises that range from the easiest to the difficult. Require students to perform at least the half of the exercises. Students will work individually on the exercises, but they are allowed to discuss them with a peer. Walk around and correct any note-taking mistake they have made, and provide immediate feedback to struggling students one-to-one. Provide feedback only twice per each student so no one feels singularized. Praise those who are doing well or moving faster, and require them to move to harder exercises.

Iiná:

On a clean and organized board, with bright new markers, ask volunteers to come to the board and fill it with their responses. Let the board get crowded so the students don’t feel singularized. Address all exercises from the easy to the difficult, but remind students the medium point you expect. Other ways to enact the calculations may include a cooperative structure for comparison and structure.

Examples:

  • Using a social model similar to speed-dating, students can compare responses from different classmates and adjust their own responses.
  • Group students of similar abilities to compare their exercises. Choose for them one sample exercise for them to present on the board or in a poster using a designated speaker.
  • Pair up students of different abilities to discuss potential applications of the exercise in real life scenarios.

Sihasin

Recognize that the lesson was challenging, but assure them you believe in their abilities to reach the course goals. State as a group what they accomplished together. Remind them that you will do a brief quiz the next class, and tell them what will be included in the quiz. Ask students who have missed classes before why they missed class, and praise them for coming back to class and trying hard.

References

Benally, H. J. (1994). Navajo Philosophy of Learning and Pedagogy. Journal of Navajo Education, 12(1), 23–31.
Becenti, G. (2022). Native American Language Teachers Going Beyond Their Classrooms. In Unsettling Settler-Colonial Education.
Fowler, H. (2022). Multicultural Education: Teaching Culturally Relevant Mathematics. In Vallejo & Werito (Eds.), Transforming Diné Education.
Secatero, S. (2022). The Corn Pollen Model. In Transforming Diné Education.
Yazzie, E. P., et al. (2007). Diné Bizaad Bináhoo’aah: An Introduction to the Navajo Language. Salina Bookshelf.

 

Monday, May 26, 2025

Sequoia

"Sequoia" en inglés y "secuoya" o "secoya" en español es el nombre de uno de los árboles más altos y pesados del mundo (scroll down for English). La leyenda dice que debe su nombre al indígena cherokee de seudónimo "sequoia" que inventó el alfabeto cherokee en 1821. El árbol se encuentra sobre todo en el extremo oeste de Estados Unidos en California, y la nación cherokee es del extremo este de Estados Unidos, dos regiones apartadas como para compartir un nombre así. Además, la historia tiene elementos de leyenda.

La palabra debe venir más bien de una lengua indígena del Oeste, posiblemente emparentada con el Navajo, que es de la familia lingüística atabascana. En Navajo, tal vez resulte de la frase "tsekoh goyah". La parte tsekoh significa 'cañón' (Glosbe) y goyah, 'en lo bajo'. La palabra se encuentra como yahgo en Yellowhair (1989). La parte yah significa también espacio cerrado o cueva (Glosbe), y go significa "en lo referente a". De manera que "tsekoh goyah" es la parte baja de un cañón. El parque de los sequoyas está rodeado de cañones, así que podrían haberse nombrado así debido al lugar donde se encuentran o al espacio que forman entre ellos.

En inglés sequoia se pronuncia como español sería "sékooya", de manera que se evidencia la caída de la "g" intermedia tal vez favorecida por la presencia de dos Os en cercanía. La pronunciación muy débil de la "g" entre vocales es un fenómeno común en español, favorecido por dos vocales del mismo sonido, como ocurre en participios como "cansada" que en pronunciación caribeña puede sonar "cansá". Entonces la expresión "tsekoh goya" pudo haber sido adaptada primero al español "sekógoya", luego "sekóóya", que fue transliterada al inglés como "sequoya" para señalar el contacto de las Os que en inglés no existe. Si se hubiera escrito "sekooya" en inglés, se hubiera tenido que pronunciar "sekúya".

Queda por confirmar qué hay de verdad y de leyenda en el pseudónimo sequoia que supestamente dio origen al nombre del árbol.

"Sequoia" in English and "secuoya" or "secoya" in Spanish is the name of one of the tallest and heaviest trees in the world. Legend says it is named after the Cherokee man with the pseudonym "Sequoia," who invented the Cherokee alphabet in 1821. The tree is found mostly in the far west of the United States, in California, while the Cherokee Nation is from the far east of the country—two regions too distant to easily share a name like that. Moreover, the story contains elements of legend. 

The word likely comes instead from an Indigenous language of the West, possibly related to Navajo, which belongs to the Athabaskan language family. In Navajo, it might derive from the phrase "tsekoh goyah." The part tsekoh means 'canyon' (Glosbe), and goyah means 'down below.' The word also appears as yahgo in Yellowhair (1989). The element yah also means an enclosed space or cave (Glosbe), and go means 'in relation to.' Thus, "tsekoh goyah" refers to the lower part of a canyon. Sequoia National Park is surrounded by canyons, so the trees may have been named after the place where they are found or the space formed between them.

In English, sequoia is pronounced as “sékooya” would be in Spanish, which shows the dropping of the middle "g"—possibly influenced by the closeness of the two O’s. The very soft pronunciation of “g” between vowels is a common phenomenon in Spanish, especially when two vowels have the same sound, as in participles like cansada, which in Caribbean pronunciation might sound like cansá. So the phrase tsekoh goya could have first been adapted into Spanish as sekógoya, then sekóóya, and finally transliterated into English as sequoya to reflect the contact between the O’s, which English orthography would not otherwise indicate. If it had been written as sekooya in English, it would have been pronounced “sekúya.”

What remains to be confirmed is how much truth and how much legend there is in the pseudonym Sequoia that supposedly gave rise to the name of the tree.

---

Yellowhair, Marvin. (1989). English/Navajo: The New Oxford Picture Dictionary. E.C. Parnwell. Page 103.